Indo-Pacific and NATO Jackob Nicolas

Less Words, More Action: How Canada Can Bolster Its Support For Hong Kong (PART 2)


Recently, Hong Kong lawmakers further contributed to the decay of democratic and civil rights in the city by passing a second bill designed to suppress dissent. The Government of Canada firmly expressed its opposition to these developments. Yet, in the absence of new substantive policy measures, its statements ring hollow. If the Government of Canada intends to meaningfully uphold its pledge to “stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the people of Hong Kong,” it must introduce new measures to mitigate Beijing’s recent attempts at suppressing individual liberties in the region. Specifically, the Government of Canada should consider persuading its European allies to develop their own lifeboat programs and introducing strict policies to combat transnational repression directed at the Hong Kong diaspora in Canada. 

The Pronounced Need For European Lifeboat Programs

Canada, a middle power, cannot unilaterally influence great powers like China. Instead, it must actively rally its allies to amplify the impact of its policy objectives. In the spring of 2020, the Government of Canada demonstrated its capacity to join with its allies to publicly denounce the CCP’s influence in Hong Kong. Now, at this critical juncture, it is imperative that Canada and its allies convert their public statements into meaningful policy action.

Back in 2020, Canada introduced a lifeboat program for Hong Kong (i.e., a package of immigration policies designed to streamline and facilitate the immigration process for Hong Kongers relocating to Canada) that has had positive, lasting impacts. However, Canadians are currently suffering through a housing crisis. As a result, the state has a finite and rapidly decreasing supply of resources available to accommodate newcomers out of Hong Kong. Although the US, UK, and Australia have also introduced successful lifeboat schemes, EU member states have been reluctant to follow suit. That said, despite the efforts made by the aforementioned countries, recent reports by Hong Kong Watch indicate that a significant number of residents are still seeking viable emigration pathways from Hong Kong. Thus, EU member states could provide much-needed support, filling the gaps in the existing array of lifeboat programs in other lands by adhering to the EU parliament resolution that “[c]alls on the Council and the Commission to consider the creation of a ‘life boat’ scheme for the citizens of Hong Kong in the case of any further deterioration of human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

Furthermore, given that the national security measures introduced in Hong Kong since 2020 apply extraterritorially, EU member states should also consider suspending or terminating their extradition treaties with Hong Kong and the People’s Republic of China. Regrettably, Hong Kong has had one of the fastest-growing populations of political prisoners in the world. Since 2019, the number of political prisons in the city has jumped from 26 to 1,014. This added step of suspending extradition treaties will ensure that Hong Kongers are not placed at risk of facing legal punishment for exercising their civil and democratic liberties in Europe. 

Combating Transnational Repression In Canada

Beyond accommodating those fleeing Hong Kong, the Government of Canada should strive towards shielding its newcomers from being the victims of transnational repression. As noted by Marcus Kolga, the CCP’s “determination to monitor, control, threaten and silence” Hong Kongers in Canada is well documented. In fact, Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee declared at a press conference in 2023 that the pro-democracy advocates who fled Hong Kong after actively opposing the city’s national security measures will be “pursued for life.” Agnes Chow, a Canadian resident, is one such activist, and has spoken out about the serious hardships she has faced due to the Hong Kong authorities’ relentless pursuit. Unfortunately, for many newcomers like Chow, there are hardly any public resources available to assist those who endure transnational repression in Canada. One of the reasons why Canada lacks those resources is because transnational repression does not fall within the scope of the Canadian Criminal Code. Consequently, when Canadians flag instances of transnational repression to their local police, they often receive little assistance, if any

As a result, Canada is “particularly at risk” of being a venue for transnational repression. To make matters worse, globalization and communication technologies have opened up new pathways for states and their proxies to engage in transnational repression. For instance, engaging in digital transnational repression (e.g., pervasive social media harassment, coercive spam calls, and persistent defamatory and/or fabricated posts online) is low risk, scalable, adaptable, hard to detect, and far reaching. Yet, because transnational repression is often committed from abroad, it is difficult for the Government of Canada to clearly identify and punish those responsible. That said, the Government of Canada is certainly not helpless here.

For example, the Government of Canada has recently announced that it will create a foreign agents registry, which Kolga believes will help in identifying the enablers of transnational repression. However, it is crucial to note that this foreign agents registry is only a proposal at this point, and its creation is not guaranteed. Thus, the Government of Canada should consider implementing further measures, such as Marie Lamensch’s suggestion that law enforcement agencies, in partnership with CSIS, create a helpline for those targeted by transnational repression. 

The Government of Canada needs to adopt a proactive strategy that effectively gathers international support for its policy objectives and furnishes a robust system of protective measures against transnational repression. Simply put, the CCP and its proxies in Hong Kong are consistently acting on their intent to undermine individual liberties in Hong Kong and their recent actions show that they are not deterred by the Government of Canada’s public statements. Thus, if the Government of Canada is genuinely interested in effectively pushing back against the CCP’s national security agenda, it must be willing to supplement its statements with tangible action. Effective deterrence will not be achieved until the Government of Canada shows that its words, when disregarded, will be followed by decisive action. 


Photos: Kill me or free me (2019) by Joseph Chan via unsplash.com. Licensed under the Unsplash License.

Disclaimer: Any views or opinions expressed in articles are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the NATO Association of Canada.

Author

  • Jackob is a Junior Research Fellow for the Indo-Pacific and NATO Program at the NATO Association of Canada. He holds an Honours Bachelor of Arts in Ethics, Society, and Law, Political Science, and Philosophy from the University of Toronto. Currently, Jackob is pursuing his J.D. at the University of Ottawa and working as a Junior Research Fellow at the Canadian Law Review. His academic research interests lie particularly in Canadian constitutional law, federalism in North America, and East Asian geopolitics. He can be reached at: jackob.nicolas@mail.utoronto.ca

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Jackob Nicolas
Jackob is a Junior Research Fellow for the Indo-Pacific and NATO Program at the NATO Association of Canada. He holds an Honours Bachelor of Arts in Ethics, Society, and Law, Political Science, and Philosophy from the University of Toronto. Currently, Jackob is pursuing his J.D. at the University of Ottawa and working as a Junior Research Fellow at the Canadian Law Review. His academic research interests lie particularly in Canadian constitutional law, federalism in North America, and East Asian geopolitics. He can be reached at: jackob.nicolas@mail.utoronto.ca